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1. Introduction
In his January 2006 State of the State address, California’s Governor
Schwarzenegger unveiled an ambitious ten-year plan to rebuild the state’s infrastructure
(Schwarzenegger, 2006). In doing so, he evoked the legacy of his predecessors from the
1950s and 1960s, who oversaw a major public investment program in roads, schools, and
water supply to accommodate the post-war population boom.
The infrastructure challenges facing California today rival those of that earlier
period, often considered a “golden era” of public investment. Although the population
growth rate has slowed, the absolute increases are still substantial – on the order of this century (Johnson, 2005). Meanwhile, it has become more difficult to build, as
Californians have become more ambivalent about the consequences of growth on the
environment and the quality of life (Barbour and Lewis, 2005). They have also become
more reluctant to tax themselves for public works. In the years since the 1978 passage of
Proposition 13, California’s legendary property tax revolt, the state’s voters have passed
additional restrictions on local taxing and fee-raising authority, making California
arguably one of the most difficult places in the nation for increasing local public
revenues.
The public’s reluctance to raise taxes is a consistent message emerging from
opinion polls,4 and it is a message that the state’s elected officials have chosen to heed.
State infrastructure investments in the late 1990s and early 2000s were largely funded by
floating general obligation (GO) bonds (de Alth and Rueben, 2005). Governor
Schwarzenegger came into office in late 2003 on a “no new taxes” platform, and his
infrastructure plan maintains that promise (Office of the Governor, 2006). The plan
relies instead on various forms of debt financing, earmarking of existing revenues, and
increased federal contributions. It does call for new user fees, some of which would back
new private equity investments in transportation. It also aims to save costs through
reforms in transportation project management and contracting.
Many of these proposals are drawn from the toolkit of “innovative financing” that
has been gaining popularity with governments nationwide as they aim to stretch the
infrastructure dollar. Particularly in the transportation sector, there has been growing
interest in the potential for public-private partnerships, new types of user fees, and new
debt-financing instruments to enable faster completion of projects, increase costeffectiveness,
and mobilize new capital resources.5 Such innovations often require
changes in legislation and in the way public agencies oversee or operate projects. The
successful introduction of new user fees, which can help manage demand growth while
generating revenues, can also require changes in public perceptions.
In this paper, we examine the potential for funding innovations to enhance
California’s ability to meet its civil infrastructure needs. We compare elements of the
“innovative finance” toolkit with some of the more traditional taxing instruments
available to state and local governments, and we examine the trade-offs between bond
and pay-as-you-go financing. This broad perspective is important, because ultimately, all
civil infrastructure must be paid for by user fees or taxes. Although various debtfinancing
tools make it possible to augment today’s investment resources, they place a
claim on future revenue streams, thereby reducing funds available for future investments
as well as future current expenditures.
The analysis focuses on two sectors that have been singled out as particularly
suited to innovation – transportation and water. In both cases, user fees have historically
been an important source of revenue, in contrast to sectors funded primarily by general
taxes, such as public education. Both sectors also present opportunities for increased
private sector participation in operations, management, and investment. And both face
funding challenges. For transportation, a central issue has been the erosion of the
primary user-fee based revenue source – per gallon fuel taxes – through inflation and
improved fuel efficiency. For water, the core challenge is to develop appropriate
mechanisms to fund programs outside of the traditional purview of utilities, such as flood
control and environmental mitigation.
The paper is organized as follows. Section two provides some background on
infrastructure financing in California, including spending patterns and sources and the
nature of existing funding constraints, both overall and for the two sectors of interest.
Sections three and four assess the experience to date with funding innovations in
transportation and water, respectively, and highlight the opportunities and potential
drawbacks of new approaches. A concluding section summarizes the main findings.
4 Surveys show the public equally divided between increasing taxes to provide more government services
and decreasing spending. This impasse has contributed to the state’s fiscal troubles and structural deficit in
the aftermath of the bursting of the stock-market bubble. The only taxes for which there is broad public
support are “vice” taxes (cigarettes and alcohol) and taxes for the wealthy. See Baldassare, 2004a, 2004b,
2005, and 2006.
5See, for instance, Congressional Budget Office, 1998; U.S. Department of Transportation, 2004; General
Accounting Office, 2004.
Note: This report is available in its entirety in the Portable Document Format (PDF).
The nonpartisan Urban Institute publishes studies, reports, and books on timely topics worthy of public consideration. The views expressed are those of the authors and should not be attributed to the Urban Institute, its trustees, or its funders.
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